By Phar Kim Beng, PhD

There was a time when Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006) led Japan with the idea of providing it with the appropriate thought leadership. In other words, to change how Japanese modern society has seen itself: ever inward, conservative and traditional. However, this responsibility would, in due course, cascade to Prime Minister Abe Shinzo (2012-2020).

As unfortunate as it was, he was gunned down in Nara, Osaka, by a mentally deranged lone assailant during his campaign speech on July 8, 2022.

What is also unknown to most people is the fact that Nara was Japan’s first capital and the seat of the emperor and is the one city that has the longest historical ties with ancient China.

Tracing back to the Tang Dynasty (618-907 C.E.), often hailed as China’s most prosperous era, this period witnessed an unparalleled flourishing of art, poetry and literary achievements.

While the intersection of Japan and China during this time remains largely overlooked by international scholars, it ultimately led to Japan borrowing, adapting and innovating upon Chinese influences, shaping its own unique identity.

This is not to say that the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 A.D.) lacked influence; on the contrary, it played an equally profound role in shaping the governance of Ieyasu Tokugawa (1603-1868 C.E.). The Tang and Ming Dynasties left an indelible mark on Japan, a fact even contemporary Japanese scholars readily acknowledge.

From cuisine and courtly traditions to aesthetic principles, writing systems and elaborate rituals, the Tang and Ming Dynasties were among the most powerful catalysts of Sino-Japanese civilisational brilliance.

The newly-arrived Ambassador Shikata Noriyuki of Japan is unique. In his recent meeting with Minister of Economy Rafizi Ramli, the Japanese Ambassador and Special Plenipotentiary immediately affirmed that from this point onwards, the Japanese and Malaysian relationship would be driven by economy, energy security and environmental issues.

One that is built based on the shared mutual concern of the two different countries.

With his refined and gentlemanly demeanour, Ambassador Shikata Noriyuki feels almost like a figure from classical Japan, as if transposed from the Tang and Ming Dynasties – an era when Japan-China relations were at their peak. And yet, here he stands, in modern-day Malaysia. Why?

Just a month and a half ago, Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru embarked on his first official visit to Malaysia and Indonesia, marking a significant diplomatic milestone between January 9 and 12, 2025.

No Japanese Prime Minister has ever followed this approach – treating Malaysia and Indonesia as a natural diplomatic pair. However, Ambassador Shikata has wasted no time, actively engaging in his role within just a few months of his assignment to Malaysia.

During his discussions with Minister Rafizi, Ambassador Shikata provided a clear and strategic explanation.

That this year, in light of Malaysia's Chairmanship of ASEAN, Japan would like to host the Asia Zero Emissions Community (AZEC) Summit in Malaysia, potentially during the third week of September 2025 is promising. A process of latching on to the convening power of the ASEAN Chairmanship to contribute Japanese and international thinking on economy, energy and environmental issues to the ASEAN and Related Summits, especially the ASEAN Plus 3 and East Asia Summit.

To be sure, there is no telling if Japanese Foreign Investments will soon follow let alone experience a spike in the quantum and quality in each of the member states of ASEAN. What is key to remember is Japan's focus on the 3 Es mentioned above.

The Three Es can be effectively aligned with the 18 economic priorities presented by Malaysia’s Minister of Investment, Trade and Industry Tengku Datuk Seri Utama Zafrul Tengku Abdul Aziz at the 31st ASEAN Economic Ministers’ Retreat in Desaru, Johor. These priorities serve as a roadmap for regional economic integration, and Japan, recognising their significance, has been actively working to simplify the intricate process of national and regional governance.

Without such streamlining, the Master Action Plan (MAP) of 2010, reaffirmed in 2015, will struggle to move forward, as both documents form the foundation of ASEAN’s centrality in global affairs.

As agreed upon by ASEAN member states, MAP 2010 and 2015 were designed to foster greater institutional cohesion, labour mobility and digital connectivity throughout the region.

However, if Minister of Economy Rafizi and his ASEAN counterparts fail to devote sufficient attention to these critical frameworks, they must at the very least acknowledge and appreciate the significance of Japan’s Three Es approach as a guiding principle for economic resilience and long-term sustainability.

This necessity becomes even more pronounced given the evolving global trade landscape, particularly considering President Donald Trump’s protectionist policies, which have shown a pattern of imposing tariffs not only on geopolitical rivals but also on traditional allies and trade partners. His administration has targeted nations with a trade surplus against the United States, putting countries such as China, Japan, South Korea, Cambodia, Vietnam, Thailand and Malaysia under scrutiny.

While the U.S. has not yet imposed tariffs on all seven nations, the risk remains, however, the U.S. may divide and conquer them by offering them different tariffs. Asian countries that climb on board this tactic of Trump would find themselves able to enjoy some benefits from the U.S.

But they stand to lose the whole of Asia, especially ASEAN, of which the latter is projected to be the 4th largest trading bloc in the world in 2030, just behind China, the U.S. and India.

With the ASEAN Power Grid being one of the projects that can connect southwest China to Sarawak, Japan can work closely with the countries of these regional power blocs to further its economic benefits as well as to ensure that there is always the concept of fair play involved that do not pitch Japan against China and vice versa.

As and when this conundrum is resolved, Japan should step up to the role of becoming a thought leader once again on how to work with the Islamic world, especially the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has agreed to be the Co-Host of the Conference on Cooperation among East Asian Countries on Palestinian Development (CEAPAD).

This is a facility set up by Japan in 2013 to allow reconstruction efforts to be carried out in Palestine. In the current context and when the Trump Administration has settled down on what is the best plan forward for Gaza and the Middle East.

Should Japan be able to help ASEAN pivot smoothly to a period devoid of geopolitical uncertainty to one driven by AZEC – especially when each of the AZEC is held so close to the ASEAN Summit, the ASEAN Plus 3 and the East Asia Summit by mid-October 2025 – Japan would have provided a powerful thought leadership that is not necessarily anathema to the interest of China, South Korea and, for that matter, the U.S.

Given all that has been said, it is equally important that Japan respects the Look East Policy of Malaysia, where China, Japan and South Korea are all included.

Since Tokyo does not want whatever relationships they have with countries, near or afar, to have a zero-sum dynamic, Japanese proposals cannot be dismissed out of hand as some Western ploy simply because Japan is part of G7.

In the new Trump administration, even Canada, a G7 member, has been threatened by him to be ripe for annexation as the US's 51st state.

-- BERNAMA

Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is Professor of ASEAN Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia.